I first visited Afghanistan in June 2008 as the shadow development minister together with a former editor of The Daily Telegraph to witness first-hand the exceptional work carried out in extraordinary circumstances by British soldiers and development experts. I recall the stark example of asymmetric warfare - a single Taliban fighter in robes and flip-flops, armed only with a Kalashnikov, able to pin down a company of modern, Western, heavily armed infantry.

I felt incredibly proud to see the British military and development experts working closely together, tirelessly, and strategically cultivating the circumstances in which hundreds of thousands of girls could go to school.

Educating girls is probably the most readily identifiable success of UK soft power in the country, and one that powerfully underlines the value of UK overseas aid. But there are many other examples of British endeavour. Working with Afghan officials, we helped set in place the rules to attract £10billion of investment in the future into the mining sector. We assisted Afghanistan in laying the foundations for a tax administration system, the development of local governance to help deliver basic healthcare as well as building legal and judicial capacity.

None of this was easy and is obviously all threatened by the events of recent days.

The situation in Afghanistan is a humanitarian disaster; a humiliation for Nato and its allies; a lesson in the limitations of power. Today, hundreds of people whose loved ones risked their lives to stabilise Afghanistan are rightly asking themselves what was it all for. The unfolding tragedy raises many questions for which there are no easy answers. But there are actions the UK can take to help mitigate this disaster. Here are four things we should try to achieve.

First, as a matter of honour, we must provide asylum and safe passage for all those who worked for us, including contractors. It is a fundamental duty of care. Interpreters, drivers, and those who were contracted by Britain to assist in our attempts to defend human rights are exposed to public recognition. They are at great risk of violent reprisals. We need to spell out what the Afghan Relocations and Assistance policy means for those Afghans who worked on HMG projects. And we should seek from the Taliban assurances that they will be permitted safe passage out of the country.

Second, we must engage with the Taliban, playing our role as part of the UN and a leading nation in the international community. As chair of the G7 as well as through our historic leverage and engagement with Pakistan, Britain has a huge and unique coordinating role to play in the region.

Third, we may be about to witness a humanitarian catastrophe of horrific proportions as millions of terrified Afghans cross the borders into Iran and Pakistan. Those borders must be kept open, if necessary with UN help.

We and other rich countries must recognise our duty not just with money but with expertise to come to their rescue.

Finally, in cooperation with others we must stand by ordinary Afghans and support those international values which Britain upholds in our forthcoming discussions with the Taliban. Down the decades Britain has been a bright light in many dark and desperate places. Today for hundreds of thousands of traumatised Afghans, that light is needed more than ever.